Chinatown's Housing Evolution

Community organizing meeting in the 1990's Chinatown.

1970s-1990s: Early Stage Community Activism

In the mid-20th century, NYC’s Chinatown underwent significant changes that reshaped its housing landscape. The repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1943 and subsequent immigration reforms in the 1960s led to a population boom, straining the already limited housing supply. As gentrification pressures mounted in the 1970s and 1980s, real estate developers began to show increased interest in the area, threatening the affordability and character of the neighborhood.In response to these challenges, community organizations emerged to fight for affordable housing and tenants’ rights. Asian Americans for Equality (AAFE), founded in 1974, became a prominent force in this struggle. Originally formed to advocate for worker rights when a private developer refused to hire Asian workers for the government-funded Confucius Plaza construction project, AAFE expanded its mission to address housing issues [1]. In 1985, following a devastating fire in a Chinatown tenement that killed two elderly tenants and left 125 residents homeless, AAFE became the first group in New York City to utilize low-income housing tax credits to develop affordable housing. Their first project, Equality House, included 59 apartments at 176 Eldridge St [2]. Throughout the late 1980s and 1990s, AAFE continued to preserve and create hundreds of affordable housing units across Chinatown and the Lower East Side. In 1997, AAFE established Renaissance Economic Development Corporation (CDFI), a community development financial institution to provide low-interest small business loans and training to immigrant entrepreneurs [3]. Two years later, in 1999, they created a second CDFI, AAFE Community Development Fund, to facilitate loans and provide financial education programs for first-time homebuyers. [4] AAFE’s efforts in organizing rent strikes, advocating for better living conditions, and developing innovative housing solutions was instrumental in supporting Chinatown residents and businesses in the face of rising property values and displacement threats. These conditions set the stage for the intensifying housing crisis of the 2000s and beyond.

Early 2000s: Gentrification Accelerates

In the early 2000s, the housing crisis in NYC’s Chinatown became increasingly dire, as gentrification spread to low-income residential areas. The Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence (CAAAV) held a press conference at the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association to announce the establishment of the Manhattan Chinese Tenants Association. This association aimed to combat the displacement of low-income Chinese residents, who were paying most of their wages for rent while living in dilapidated conditions. 

On July 27, 2000, the Chinatown Justice Project, a youth-led initiative of CAAAV, released a groundbreaking report highlighting the worsening living conditions in Chinatown, where high rents and low wages force many residents into overcrowded housing. The survey of 100 residents revealed that 50% face monthly rents between $600 and $1000, while the average yearly income is just $17,100, leading to 40% to 70% of income being spent on rent [5]. Over one-third lived in 1-2 bedroom apartments with six or more people. 58% lacked hot water, 42% had plumbing problems, 37% lacked adequate heat. As a result, the Chinese population declined by 17% between 2000-2010. Overcrowding is rampant, with over half of the units housing five or more people, and many tenants paying exorbitant "key money" fees and dealing with neglected maintenance issues like no hot water, plumbing problems, and lack of heat [6]. Youth organizer JingJing Lin emphasized, "Many people blame new immigrants as the cause of Chinatown's housing problems, especially overcrowding, but our research shows otherwise" [7]. The report highlighted that the high rent-to-wage ratio, not overpopulation, was the primary cause of apartment overcrowding [8].

Several factors contribute to these conditions, including a high influx of new immigrants and the arrival of high-tech companies attracting wealthier residents who were often white, compounded with insufficient government support for low-income housing [9]. Luxury condos began replacing affordable housing and local businesses faced closure due to rising rents. Chinatown faced increasing pressure from gentrification and these changes threatened the cultural fabric and affordability of the neighborhood, sparking community resistance.

A group of Chinatown Tenants Union members at a demonstration against rent increase.

2005: Chinatown Tenants Union Founded

In response to the growing housing crisis, CAAAV established the Chinatown Tenants Union (CTU). This grassroots organization aimed to protect low-income tenants from gentrification and displacement through organizing residents, launching direct action campaigns and building alliances with other organizations. The Tenants Union quickly became a powerful voice for Chinatown residents facing housing insecurity [10].

2009: 55 Delancey Street Struggle

The purchase of 55 Delancey Street by Madison Capital exemplified the challenges facing Chinatown residents. The investment firm described the tenement building as an “underperforming” property ripe for “repositioning,” as an excuse to raise rents and attract wealthier tenants [14]

Longtime resident and CAAAV housing organizer Zhi Qi Zheng observed, “The changes are incredible—rents are going up all the time and landlords are trying to evict us whatever way they can" [15]. Zheng, who had immigrated to the U.S. thirty years prior and raised four children in Chinatown, became a tireless advocate for tenants’ rights.

A sign hung on scaffolding that reads, "THE MACHINERY / EXCHANGE / WWW.MACHINERYEXCHANGECONDO.COM" that is advertising for new condos being constructed. A picture of the proposed building is next to the words.

2010: Tensions Rise as Gentrification Intensifies

A Village Voice article titled “When Hipsters Move in on Chinese: It's Ugly” highlighted the growing tensions between immigrant residents and non-immigrant newcomers. As wealthier tenants moved into renovated units, long-time residents faced neglect and harassment from landlords eager to push them out and new residents who showed little interest in them. New renter Hannah Lavon, a graphic designer, said “I'm sorry it’s [gentrification] happening, but—I like the apartment" [16].

2012: Hurricane Sandy Reveals Resource Inequalities

When Hurricane Sandy struck New York in October 2012, it laid bare the stark inequalities of resource allocation in NYC. Chinatown residents struggled without power or basic supplies, while nearby Wall Street quickly recovered. CAAAV’s office became a hub for community aid. Executive director Helena Wong observed, “Income and race have a lot to do with the situation that we’re in. I went by Wall Street last night and all the lights were on, the buildings were empty, there were Christmas lights on the trees and it was absolutely crazy because we had just left here [Chinatown] and it was pitch black” [19].

2013-2015: CTU Wins Rent Freeze

The NYC Comptroller's office reported a 13% decline in Asian residents in Chinatown and the Lower East Side between 2000-2015 [20]. Unsurprisingly, this trend reflected the ongoing displacement of long-time residents due to rising rents and changing neighborhood demographics. In 2013, nearly 12 percent of businesses in Manhattan’s Chinatown were classified as “high-end” including over 150 new clothing boutiques and upscale restaurants [21].

As rent soared, CAAAV advocated for the rights of low-income tenants to stay in their homes and neighborhoods. In 2015, CTU joined forces with other tenant organizations to secure the first rent freeze in 46 years. CTU tenant leaders testified at the Rent Guidelines Board hearing, arguing that rents should not increase when the quality of living for low-income tenants had not improved. This rent freeze impacted 2.5 million rent-stabilized tenants and represented a significant step toward making the city more affordable for poor and working-class New Yorkers. CTU then won a second rent freeze in 2016 [22].

2015: CAAAV Releases Report on Language Access in Public Housing

In 2015, CAAAV in partnership with the Community Development Project at the Urban Justice Center, conducted an extensive survey of over 200 residents across 14 public housing developments. The resulting report focused on the experiences of limited English proficient (LEP) Asian tenants in New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) buildings [23]:

• NYCHA was not fully implementing its existing language access policies
• Even if fully implemented, current policies fell short of meeting Asian tenants' needs
• LEP tenants faced significant challenges in communicating with NYCHA for essential services (Repairs, rental payment issues, emergency information)

The report highlighted how language barriers could lead to serious consequences:

• Incorrect rent increases resulting in housing court appearances
• Missed work due to repeated attempts to communicate needs
• Inability to request emergency housing transfers for domestic violence victims
• Safety issues due to miscommunication in the repairs process
• Lack of access to crucial emergency protocols

CAAAV used this report as a foundation for ongoing advocacy work in public housing, framing it within the broader struggle for affordable housing and humane living conditions. The timing of the report coincided with Mayor de Blasio’s announcement of the “NextGeneration NYCHA” plan, providing an opportunity to push for improved language access services as part of NYCHA’s reform efforts.

Teenagers from Chinatown and Harlem protest against gentrification in New York City.

2016-2022: Community Resistance Against Luxury Development

In 2016, Chinatown and the Two Bridges neighborhood faced an unprecedented challenge when developers proposed the largest new development in New York City on the Two Bridges waterfront. The plan included three luxury mega-towers, each nearly 100 stories high, that would introduce 2,775 units of new housing into the neighborhood [24]. Over 75% of these units were designated as market-rate, making them accessible only to investors and the ultra-wealthy.

In response to this threat, CAAAV and its coalition partners developed the Two Bridges Community Plan (TBCP), a grassroots vision for the waterfront that aimed to protect the existing working-class communities. This plan, filed as a rezoning application with the Department of City Planning (DCP) in 2017, proposed limiting the height of new developments and mandating that over 50% of new housing be deeply affordable [25]. The TBCP was designed to curtail speculative development and give the community more control over neighborhood changes. It represented a key piece of the broader Chinatown Working Group recommendations for land use, which CAAAV had been advocating for many years [26].

Despite years of valiant efforts to pass the TBCP, the Department of City Planning rejected the plan in late 2022. DCP claimed that the community’s proposal would prevent the building of affordable housing, prioritizing the small number of pseudo-affordable units in the luxury towers over truly accessible housing for working-class residents [27].

Although the campaign did not achieve its primary goal, it significantly strengthened the commitment, scale, and skills of CAAAV’s membership. The fight against luxury development and for affordable housing in Chinatown continues, with the organization and its members more prepared than ever to advocate for their vision of an inclusive and accessible neighborhood.

Five "For Rent" signs are fixed to a building in Chinatown (Manhattan). The signs partially obscure tenants' windows.

Current Day: Ongoing Gentrification and the Fight for Affordable Housing 

Gentrification in New York City is a complex phenomenon that goes beyond a simple narrative of a “white invasion.” Many investors behind new developments are overseas Chinese, reflecting China’s dramatically changed global position over the last half-century [28]. Chinatowns around the world are no longer populated exclusively by poor, struggling immigrants.

Former garment factories that once employed immigrants have been converted into doctors’ offices and gyms, while contemporary art galleries have replaced supermarkets, bakeries and herbal medicine shops, paying significantly higher rents. Since 2015, 40% of all new galleries in the city have opened up in Chinatown, outpacing Chelsea, Bushwick, the Upper East Side, and other areas with art scenes. Many galleries are clustered along Delancey, Orchard, Eldridge, Rivington, and Chrystie Streets, contributing to real estate speculation, increasing rents, and massive displacement of existing residents and small businesses [29].

 To combat gentrification, community groups like the Chinatown Community Development Center (CDC) use both “hard” and “soft” approaches. The “hard” approach involves organizing residents, bringing media attention to evictions, and advocating for tenant-protective policies. The “soft” approach focuses on celebrating Chinatown’s culture and identity in a positive way, addressing community issues through arts and cultural events [30].

Peter Kwong, a professor at Hunter College, believes many Chinatowns have lost their vibrancy as immigrant communities due to the scattering of working-class Chinese and the lack of jobs. However, New York City’s Chinatown remains an exception due to its job base. Kwong emphasizes that rezoning and tenant protection laws are crucial to stopping displacement. The Chinatown Working Group, a coalition of over 50 organizations, has developed a rezoning plan to restrict building heights, create anti-harassment laws, increase affordable housing, and protect small businesses. Despite the Department of City Planning’s rejection, advocates continue to hold demonstrations to highlight the issue.

In 2024, for the third consecutive year, over two million tenants in NYC are facing rent increases—2.75% on one-year leases and 5.25% on two-year leases—thanks to decisions made by Mayor Eric Adams’ Rent Guidelines Board (RGB) [31]. This means that the RGB has sanctioned more than a 9% rent hike on nearly one-third of tenants across NYC over the past three years, while landlords have steadily increased profits. Mayor Adams refers to this as a “sweet spot” between tenants and organized landlords, but it is clear that this is simply “business as usual” for an RGB accountable only to a pro-real estate mayor [32].

This year marks the 50th anniversary of rent stabilization, a policy hard-fought for and won by the tenant movement. Rent stabilization remains a battleground between working-class and immigrant tenants and the real estate industry. The fight will not be over until rent stabilization is fully controlled by working people, immigrants, and communities of color.

The current housing crisis is manufactured by real estate greed. When tenants fight back, the city often responds by arresting organizers. Recently, tenants across NYC joined forces to block the entrance of the Real Estate Board of New York (REBNY), which has spent millions of dollars influencing elected officials to weaken rent stabilization and block tenant protections statewide [33].

During the protest, working-class and immigrant tenants stood their ground despite attempts by REBNY's representatives and NYPD officers to break up the picket. Even as organizers from Housing Justice for All and NYC Public Advocate Jumaane Williams were arrested, the resolve of the protesters remained unshaken. Youth leaders energized the movement with chants, and elder leaders continued the picket despite harsh weather conditions [34].

The current system siphons rent money and treats homes and neighborhoods like piggy banks. The organized money of real estate is essentially stolen wealth. In contrast, the tenant movement has organized people and a vision: New York for the people, not for profit.