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                <text>Manhattan Bridge Shutdown</text>
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                <text>This photo, taken on April 25, 1995, features a line of protestors blocking traffic on the Manhattan Bridge as they protest police brutality and budget cuts. Many of these protesters wear or carry signs with messages such as “Stop Racist Violence” and other calls for justice. This group includes members of CAAAV and stands close together to project a sense of unity, but there are public demonstrations in three other parts of the city as well. Overall, hundreds of people are participating in this call to end police brutality and protect financing going to public education and low-income residents in both Manhattan and across the city. &#13;
&#13;
On March 24, almost exactly a month before this photo, 16-year-old Yong Xin Huang was shot by the police. He and two of his friends had been playing with a BB gun and the police had been summoned by a nervous neighbor; when confronted by the police, Huang and his friends cooperated with the police but Huang was killed in the encounter. Huang’s death sparked many protests against police brutality, especially regarding abuse towards poor communities of color. This, combined with a series of budget cuts targeting public schools and universities, prompted CAAAV and the National Congress for Puerto Rican Rights to organize this Manhattan Bridge takeover along with a rally against police brutality in Police Plaza.&#13;
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A variety of people joined these protests including students, teachers, health care workers, homeless folks, AIDS activists, and the loved ones of those who had been killed by the police. Other people joined as members of various groups. In addition to CAAAV, organizations such as ACT UP and CUNY Coalition Against Cuts made their voices heard. Demonstrators spread out across the Brooklyn Bridge, the Manhattan Bridge, the Queens-Midtown Tunnel, and the Brooklyn-Battery Tunnel. By the end of the event, roughly 185 peaceful protesters were arrested under disorderly conduct charges after gridlocking the four locations during the height of rush hour. While the protest was short-lived, only lasting about half an hour, the demonstration garnered attention from both media outlets and thousands of commuters who were directly impacted. &#13;
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With the recent resurgence in Black Lives Matter activism and protests following George Floyd’s murder in May 2020, many people have become more educated on the ways in which police brutality and other means of suppression are prevalent in society. This event from 1995 offers a glimpse into how long individuals and organizations have been attempting to demand an end to these enduring problems of police brutality, unjust bureaucratic management, and systematic violence as a whole.</text>
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                <text>April 25, 1995</text>
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                <text>Phoebe Jacoby&#13;
&#13;
This post was completed as coursework for Archiving Asian America, taught by Vivian Truong, in the Asian and American Studies programs at Vassar College.</text>
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                <text>Copyright is held by CAAAV Organizing Asian Communities.</text>
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                <text>Taken at the Jericho demonstration on March 27, 1998, this photograph shows members and allies of CAAAV who joined the widely coalitional Washington, DC march to protest the incarceration of political prisoners and prisoners of war in the United States and demand their amnesty and freedom. [1] The CAAAV members pictured pose near the Capitol Building in Lafayette Park with a colorful banner decorated with the image of a dragon which reads, “Asians for Jericho: When the Prison Gates Open, The Real Dragons Fly Out.” To the right, one protester holds a sign on which bold lettering spells out “Free All U.S. Political Prisoners,” at the bottom stamped “Jericho ‘98.” The former references a quote by Ho Chi Minh, whose words express a vision of prison gates opening to release the radical and oppressed who have been incarcerated for their dissidence. In this vision, their release ushers in a renewed surge of resistance that will burn down the exploitative and oppressive system that imprisons us all.&#13;
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The mass demonstration, during which protesters from all over the United States marched from Malcolm X Park to Lafayette Park, manifested a collective effort by over 50 organizations, defense committees, and activist groups. As part of the larger Jericho Movement, the march was intended to force the US government to acknowledge the existence of political prisoners within its borders. Protesters held high giant photos of Mumia Abu-Jamal, Leonard Peltier, Sundiata Acoli, the MOVE 9, and the Puerto Rican independistas, bringing attention to the hundreds of people incarcerated as a result of their radical and grassroots work against oppressive conditions in housing, medical care, education, employment, and policing. [2] CAAAV’s presence at the march brings attention to the relevance of these issues for Asian-American communities, and reflects its investment in intersectional modes of resistance. Marching with the David Wong Support Committee as “Asians for Jericho,” CAAAV members helped highlight the broad and specific racialized underpinnings of imprisonment and the fact that “most political prisoners are radical people of color.” [3]&#13;
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Operating on local, regional, and national levels, the Jericho Movement engages intersections of race, class, gender, immigration, and nationality to highlight the harm, silencing, and violence systemically and systematically imposed on marginalized peoples by centering the stories of “brothers and sisters” imprisoned for their liberatory actions. [4] Active still, the Jericho Movement has organizing committees in Albuquerque, Chicago, Los Angeles, New York City, Portland, and Richmond, as well as regional committees working nationally. Jericho works with local defense committees to bring the cases of political prisoners to the public, reaching across organizational lines to build a strong network of resources and support for those it serves.&#13;
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[1] Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence, “Jericho 1998 Calls for Release of Political Prisoners,” CAAAV Voice Newsletter, Spring 1998, 8-9, https://caaav.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/Voice_Spring_1998.pdf.&#13;
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[2] “About: Jericho Movement,” National Jericho Movement, https://www.thejerichomovement.com/about (accessed March 18 2021).&#13;
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[3] Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence, “Jericho 1998 Calls for Release of Political Prisoners,” 9.&#13;
&#13;
[4] Jericho ‘98 Organizing Committee, “Jericho ‘98 - Amnesty and Freedom for All Political Prisoners,” (flier, New York, 1998), 1-2, https://freedomarchives.org/Documents/Finder/DOC510_scans/New_Afrikan_Prisoners/510.flier.jericho.98.pdf.</text>
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                <text>Clara CleBlanc&#13;
&#13;
This post was completed as coursework for Archiving Asian America, taught by Vivian Truong, in the Asian and American Studies programs at Vassar College.</text>
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                <text>Woman describes police attack at Brooklyn community meeting</text>
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                <text>“There is no wealth in our silence. Do you still believe policing will protect our community or are you ready to fight against police brutality?” Originally, “況黙不是金, 法理定要爭” (kuàng mò bùshì jīn, fǎlǐ dìng yào zhēng), this poster along with an “Anti-discrimination, Anti-violence” (originally, “反歧視, 反暴力” - fǎn qíshì, fǎn bàolì) poster written in black, Chinese characters are located behind four Asian women attending a Brooklyn community meeting on June 2, 1996. Below, another poster reads “Let’s Respect ALL in N.Y.C” and a partially visible poster located behind a woman in a blue shirt reads, “Intolerance CANNOT be tolerated.” Another woman, wearing black-patterned, yellow fabric pants, commands the floor as she details the story of her police attack. [1] This photograph expresses the layered forms of violence that institutionalized racism and oppression impose on Asian women living in America and emphasizes the need for radical community care within the Asian community. &#13;
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These sorts of community meetings stem from the formation of the Racial Justice Committee (RJC) in Spring 1996, which shifted CAAAV’s case-by-case centered approach (where individuals ended contact with the organization after their cases finished) to a focus on building long-term power in the community. [2] In this moment, CAAAV began to develop the leadership skills of its community members, especially past victims of police brutality, by providing the space to sit in on RJC meetings and help determine committee initiatives, such as advocating for new cases. With this new community-centered approach, individuals had the opportunity to practice and develop skills in speaking with the media and organizing rallies, empowering them as former victims into activism roles.&#13;
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During this time, police brutality had almost become characteristic of the Asian (American) identity. The fact that the woman speaking in this photograph actively uses her voice to speak out on these incidents reminds one of the inherent power in Asian voices, resistance, and activism that counters the attempts of white supremacy to paint the community as the well-behaved, quiet, and assimilated model minority. [3 This particular moment further highlights the power and resilience reflected in the leadership of Asian women community leaders and members, going beyond traditional categorizations of ‘submissive’ and ‘docile’ enacted on Asian women as a result of gendered and sexual violence facilitated by the patriarchy. &#13;
&#13;
[1] Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence, “Violence Against Asian Women” CAAAV Voice newsletter, Summer 1996&#13;
&#13;
[2] Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence, “The Racial Justice Committee: Fighting Police Brutality” CAAAV Voice newsletter, Winter 1997&#13;
&#13;
[3] Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence, “Repeat Offenders: Police Brutality Continues in Chinatown” CAAAV Voice newsletter, Winter 1997</text>
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                <text>June 2, 1996</text>
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                <text>Chris Chieng&#13;
&#13;
This post was completed as coursework for Archiving Asian America, taught by Vivian Truong, in the Asian and American Studies programs at Vassar College.</text>
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                <text>Protest sign on taxi cab </text>
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                <text>The photograph captures a sea of taxicab vehicles surrounding a New York Police Department van. While the photograph does not have a recorded date, the scene depicted was a very common one throughout the 1990s. Throughout the decade, the city saw a growing number of killings and violent crimes against New York City taxi drivers. [1] Such was accompanied by the rising subway fares and the danger of anti-Muslim feelings generated by the media’s racist coverage of the World Trade Center bombing [2] which targeted the many taxicab drivers who identify as South Asian. In response, thousands of cab drivers staged a mobile demonstration that brought traffic to a standstill. In these protests, drivers would abandon their vehicles, sit in the street, and chant slogans—much like the one written on the sign that hangs across the taxicab’s backseat window in the photo:“WE ARE ALL DRIVERS. WE STAND UNITED.” Taxicab drivers’ messages were aimed at the Taxi and Limousine Commission, which many drivers claimed had been “ignor[ing] their pleas for safety” enhancements as crimes against drivers continued to pile up. Even the National Institute of Occupational Safety and Health’s report on Preventing Homicide in the Workplace concluded that the taxicab driver occupation was most at risk for on-the-job murder. [3] Ultimately, drivers felt as though the Taxi and Limousine Commission’s rules and practices invariably favored the owners at the expense of the drivers. [4]&#13;
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Consequently, CAAAV initiated its first worker organizing project in the taxi industry through the Lease Drivers Coalition, [5] thus beginning the Lease Drivers Coalition’s long, fraught history with the Taxi and Limousine Commission. In 1994, the Lease Drivers Coalition held a protest in response to Susan’s Maintenance’s owner’s harassment and assault on Saleem Osman, an LDC Driver. Osman was beaten and arrested by the police after offering to help translate for a taxicab driver in Herald Square. [6] As such, the inclusion of the police car in the photograph is poignant, given the tense relationship between cab drivers and New York City police officers. Throughout the 90s, not only did the police fail to protect the cab drivers but also the police themselves posed a threat to the drivers. Cases of police brutality against taxi drivers—and thereby against “immigrants, poor people, and people of color in general” [7]—increased under the Giuliani administration. [8]&#13;
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Including such a photograph in the Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence (CAAAV) archive comes not without a loaded history: though LDC originated through CAAAV, the New York Taxi Workers Alliance, from under the banner of the Lease Driver Coalition, was borne out of a resistance against CAAAV. A 1998 letter, digitized by the South Asian American Digital Archive (SAADA) announced the formation of the New York Taxi Workers Alliance from the Lease Driver Coalition. [9] According to the letter, CAAAV placed “many restrictions on LDC which disallowed LDC from carrying on independent work.” [10] Thus, LDC adopted a new name: New York Taxi Workers Alliance (NYTWA).&#13;
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[1] Craig Wolff, “Massive Cab Driver Protest of 35 Killings Snarls Traffic,” New York Times, October 27, 1993,&#13;
https://www.nytimes.com/1993/10/27/nyregion/massive-cabdriver-protest-of-35-killings-snarls-traffic.html.&#13;
&#13;
[2] The CAAAV Voice Newsletter of the Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence, Vol. 5, No. 1., Spring 1993, p. 5.&#13;
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[3] Bill Glauber, “Meter always ticking for lives of N.Y. cab drivers,” The Baltimore Sun, December 20, 1993, https://www.baltimoresun.com/news/bs-xpm-1993-12-20-1993354055-story.html.&#13;
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[4] The CAAAV Voice Newsletter of the Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence, Vol. 6, No. 2., Winter 1994, p. 5.&#13;
&#13;
[5] The CAAAV Voice Newsletter of the Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence, Vol. 7, No. 1., Spring 1995, p. 1.&#13;
&#13;
[6] The CAAAV Voice Newsletter of the Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence, Vol. 8, No. 1., Winter 1996.&#13;
&#13;
[7] The CAAAV Voice Newsletter of the Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence, Vol. 7, No. 1., Spring 1995, p. 4.&#13;
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[8] Couching his regulations in the language of pedestrian safety, former Mayor Rudolph Guiliani’s administration carried out specific “get-tough” and “law and order” policies that saw aggressive policing and that has since been dubbed the “broken windows” approach to law enforcement. NYPD Commissioner Howard Safir continued to compare the taxi drivers to a “terrorist threat” as Giuliani nodded in agreement at his side.&#13;
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[9] SAADA, Lease Driver Coalition Letter, March 8, 1998, https://www.saada.org/item/20130703-2967.&#13;
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[10] SAADA, Lease Driver Coalition Letter, March 8, 1998, https://www.saada.org/item/20130703-2967.</text>
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                <text>Grace Han&#13;
&#13;
This post was completed as coursework for Archiving Asian America, taught by Vivian Truong, in the Asian and American Studies programs at Vassar College.</text>
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                <text>This is a photograph of a 2001 demonstration organized by Andolan Organizing South Asian Workers. The twelve women are demonstrating in front of a residential home to demand reparations for Aniq Khan, a domestic worker who had been abused and abandoned by the Bangladeshi diplomat family employing him. [1] The photo features eleven women standing on the sidewalk holding signs in Bangla and English with slogans against worker exploitation and unfree labor. The site of the protest is a family home surrounded by other homes with yards and lawns. Nahar Alam, a founder of Andolan and Chaumtoli Huq, a movement lawyer, had rescued Aniq Khan from the home they were standing in front of and organized the demonstration with Andolan members such as Razia Begum, volunteers, and allies such as CAAAV. [2] Andolan was an organization of New York City's South Asian immigrant domestic workers advancing feminist labor and survivor justice.&#13;
&#13;
This protest was one of many organized by Andolan in front of employer homes. These protests pressured employers to pay reparations and publicized private homes as sites for worker abuse. This was a transformative tactic which exposed the power imbalance between South Asian low-wage immigrant domestic workers and their wealthy (mostly) South Asian employers who controlled their living conditions, wages, and immigration statuses. [3] The protest tactic led to the dissolution of the  Domestic Workers Committee in Sakhi which Andolan organizers were originally a part of. These protests compromised the private lives of the board members and funders of the non-profit Sakhi as they were exposed for complicity in labor exploitation. [4] Andolan battled similar conflicts of interest and the contradictions of the non-profit industrial complex [5] as they tirelessly organized against state violence and gendered labor abuse.&#13;
&#13;
Andolan lost the lawsuit against the employer. The employer was an ambassador who evaded accountability when he was promoted and relocated by the Bangladesh government. The domestic worker was stranded in the U.S and could not return to Bangladesh because his family was being threatened by the politically powerful employer. However, Andolan was able to win political asylum for Aniq Khan. [6]&#13;
&#13;
[1]  The story about the protest is from an audio caption by Nahar Alam for another photo of the same protest in South Asian American Digital Archive's "Andolan Records" archival collection: https://www.saada.org/item/20190806-5886&#13;
&#13;
[2]  Andolan Archive Project: https://www.facebook.com/andolanarchiveproject;  Andolan's archived website: https://web.archive.org/web/20110131105247/http://www.andolan.net/&#13;
&#13;
[3]  Das Gupta, Monisha. (2003). The Neoliberal State and the Domestic Workers Movement in New York City. Canadian women's studies = Les cahiers de la femme. 22.&#13;
&#13;
[4]  Alam, Nahar. "Domestic Workers Do Their Homework." Samar: South Asian Magazine for Action and Reflection 8 (Summer/Fall) (1997): 15-20.&#13;
&#13;
[5]  The phrase "non-profit industrial complex" was coined by INCITE! And a definition can be found here: https://incite-national.org/beyond-the-non-profit-industrial-complex/&#13;
&#13;
[6]  The story about Aniq Khan is from the audio caption by Nahar Alam for another photo of the same protest in South Asian American Digital Archive's "Andolan Records" archival collection: https://www.saada.org/item/20190806-5886&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Shromona Mandal&#13;
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This post was completed as coursework for “Bitter Melon: Race, Foodways, and Urbanisms of Asian America” at New York University, taught by Minju Bae.</text>
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                <text>This photograph from May 1994 shows participants in a demonstration for Saleem Osman. The main focus is on three men at the center of the image with some people visible in front and many people following behind. The participants are on the sidewalk with police officers on motorcycles next to them. The signs completely visible in the photograph are in Korean and English. The English signs read, “SALEEM OSMAN WAS ATTACKED BY COPS! WE DEMAND JUSTICE”, with two lines emphasizing the word “Cops”, and  “POLICE THE POLICE, NOW!” with a drawing of a police officer next to the writing. The Korean sign translates to “Stop the police assault!” &#13;
&#13;
The demonstration in which over 100 Asian Americans and yellow cab drivers [1] participated was in response to an incident that occurred the prior day. On May 26, 1994, Saleem Osman, a cab driver and CAAAV organizer for the Lease Drivers Coalition, was beaten by police officers after attempting to translate and mediate a dispute between another South Asian cab driver and a white truck driver. [2] He was then arrested for “fabricated charges of assaulting two police officers and resisting arrest,” held in jail for over 24 hours, and released only after the demonstration shown in the photograph. [3] The assault of Osman highlighted a dark reality: cab drivers, many of whom are South Asian, are extremely vulnerable to harassment and violence in their workplace from not only civilians, but also the police. [4] The emphasis on the word “cops” in one of the signs seems to highlight the absurdity that those who are tasked with protecting people can also be the sources of violence. Even though the photograph was taken almost 30 years ago, the messages on the signs remain relevant and were even seen during this past summer’s protests following the murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and other targets of police brutality. &#13;
&#13;
[1] CAAAV, “Police Brutality” CAAAV Voice newsletter, Spring 1994, 1.&#13;
&#13;
[2]  CAAAV, “Update on Saleem Osman Case” CAAAV Voice newsletter, Winter 1994, 5.&#13;
&#13;
[3] CAAAV, “Police Brutality” CAAAV Voice newsletter, Spring 1994, 1.&#13;
&#13;
[4] CAAAV, “Focus on Cabbies” CAAAV Voice newsletter, Spring 1995, 4.&#13;
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&#13;
This post was completed as coursework for “Bitter Melon: Race, Foodways, and Urbanisms of Asian America” at New York University, taught by Minju Bae.&#13;
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                <text>Caroline To&#13;
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This post was completed as coursework for “Bitter Melon: Race, Foodways, and Urbanisms of Asian America” at New York University, taught by Minju Bae.&#13;
&#13;
Edited by Serena Yang.</text>
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                <text>This photograph depicts CAAAV members posing with a cardboard cutout of rapper Mark Wahlberg, or “Marky Mark,” modeling for Calvin Klein. When this photograph was taken in 1993, images of Wahlberg modeling underwear (and, famously, grabbing his crotch) had already become a major moment in American pop culture. All over New York City, images of Wahlberg depicted him as a charismatic bad boy.  &#13;
 &#13;
CAAAV’s interest in Wahlberg, however, had to do with his persona off-camera. In 1988, a then 16-year-old Wahlberg attacked Vietnamese American Thanh Lam. Wahlberg approached Lam as he was unloading his car and called him a “Vietnam fucking shit.” Wahlberg proceeded to beat the middle-aged man over the head with a wooden club until it snapped in two. A few blocks away from this incident, Wahlberg then attacked Hoah Trinh, a man who was also Vietnamese American. Wahlberg propositioned Trinh for help, saying the police were coming and that he needed to hide. Once the police cruiser passed, Wahlberg punched Trinh in the eye, permanently blinding him. Later that night, police arrested Wahlberg who was charged with attempted murder.  Two years earlier, Wahlberg and his friends had repeatedly terrorized Black children by chasing them with rocks while yelling racist epithets. For the 1988 incidents, Wahlberg served 45 days in jail. &#13;
 &#13;
Unwilling to let these attacks go overlooked by the media, CAAAV spearheaded a campaign to expose Wahlberg. In February 1993, as a central part of this campaign, CAAAV members stuck 1,500 neon orange bumper stickers all across New York City. The stickers announced in bold print, “Marky Mark: CONVICTED RACIST.” This campaign quickly gained national attention and eventually forced Wahlberg to agree to a statement of apology written mostly by CAAAV. &#13;
&#13;
The apology, read by his manager at a press conference in Times Square on February 18th, not only admitted to personal guilt but also unequivocally stated, “Asian Pacific Americans, African Americans and all people have the right to live free of violence and harassment.” [1] Fliers, tombstones commemorating victims, and CAAAV’s opening words at the conference also helped to frame Wahlberg’s racist attacks within the larger context of anti-Asian violence. Among the campaign’s many victories, CAAAV succeeded in casting a national spotlight on racist violence and sending a message to public figures that racist acts against the Asian American community will be held accountable. &#13;
&#13;
[1] CAAAV, “Caught with his Pants Down–Marky Mark Caves in to CAAAV.” CAAAV Voice newsletter, Spring 1993, 3.</text>
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&#13;
Saleem Osman, a CAAAV organizer for the Lease Drivers Coalition, was assaulted by police and then arrested on fabricated charges on May 26, 1994. On May 27, over a hundred Asian Americans and yellow cab drivers marched from Police Plaza to Central Booking in protest.</text>
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      <name>Still Image</name>
      <description>A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.</description>
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        <name>Dublin Core</name>
        <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Protestor holds sign demanding justice for Kum Nam Kim</text>
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            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Protestors holding signs at October 26, 1993 demonstration for Kum Nam Kim outside the 20th Precinct. Sign at center reads, "JUSTICE FOR KUM NAM KIM 김금남."&#13;
&#13;
Kum Nam Kim (김금남), a street vendor on the Upper West Side, was beaten and arrested by police on August 3, 1993 after protesting a parking ticket. Other than holding a demonstration outside the 20th Precinct to demand police accountability and a meeting with the police commissioner, CAAAV and Action for Young Korean Americans (AYKA) also organized a petition drive and legal clinic in Flushing, Queens to support Kum Nam Kim and mobilize the Korean community around the issue of police brutality.&#13;
&#13;
Referenced in CAAAV Voice issues Fall 1993 and Spring 1994.&#13;
</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="14536">
                <text>October 26, 1993</text>
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          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="14538">
                <text>Copyright is held by CAAAV Organizing Asian Communities</text>
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            <name>Format</name>
            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
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                <text>Photograph</text>
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          <element elementId="43">
            <name>Identifier</name>
            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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                <text>Photo036</text>
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        <name>Anti-Asian Violence and Representations</name>
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        <name>Demonstration</name>
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      <tag tagId="66">
        <name>Kum Nam Kim</name>
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      <tag tagId="14">
        <name>Police Brutality</name>
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      <tag tagId="17">
        <name>Solidarity Work</name>
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      <tag tagId="31">
        <name>Street Vendors' Rights</name>
      </tag>
    </tagContainer>
  </item>
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