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                <text>In February 1999, dozens of demonstrators gathered at the Dragon Gate Market to protest against the Giuliani administration’s decision to raze the market, which had catered to the Chinatown neighborhood for most of the past decade. Protestors, including representatives from CAAAV (Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence), gathered at the outdoor market at Sara Delano Roosevelt Park in the Lower East Side chanting “Stern Must Go!” referring to Parks Department Commissioner Henry J. Stern, who refused to renegotiate the lease for the market. Demonstrators also “linked arms and strode into Grand Street, block[ing] traffic for about five minutes.”[1]&#13;
&#13;
Dragon Gate Market first opened in 1993 under the David Dinkins administration as an attempt to corral all of the Chinatown street vendors into one central location. This was part of the NYPD’s patrol initiative to “exclude and remove people of color from urban spaces” after white residents in surrounding areas, like Little Italy and SoHo, feared the possibility of Chinatown’s expansion into their neighborhood.[2] The market quickly became a popular location for Chinatown vendors to sell everything from groceries, like fresh produce, to traditional Asian street foods, like noodles and eggrolls.&#13;
&#13;
Six years later, many of the vendors who had worked at the market since its inception worried about their financial future; especially with the police issuing so many violations and the decreased number of permits issued to street vendors by the city. Earlier in the month, CAAAV joined hundreds of Chinatown vendors at City Hall to protest the Street Vendor Review Panel, which had significantly reduced the number of permits issued annually by 1,000.[3]&#13;
&#13;
When the market closure was announced, it was seen as another example to add to the city’s growing list of anti-immigrant acts. Having been pushed into Dragon Gate Market by one administration and forcibly removed by another, vendors felt they had no options for continuing their businesses.&#13;
&#13;
Immigrant vendors were still grappling with the murder of Guinean immigrant street vendor Amadou Diallo by the NYPD just days before the city announced the market closure. Reeling from Diallo’s tragic murder, vendors around the city feared for their future in more ways than one.  Under the Giuliani administration, street vendors complained about the police department’s increasing harassment, with ticketing growing increasingly common throughout the city. More and more citations were handed out to the primarily immigrant workers, who were described as safety hazards for crowding streets and sidewalks. Just days before the announcement, the NYPD fatally shot and killed Guinean immigrant street vendor Amadou Diallo, leaving many immigrant street vendors across the city fearing for their lives and future.&#13;
&#13;
The closure of the Dragon Gate Market was part of Giuliani’s Quality of Life Campaign, which debuted during his second term in the mid-90s. It was intended to improve the quality of life of all New Yorkers by reducing crime, violence, and fear throughout the boroughs in order to revive the economy and well-being of residents. What resulted was increased community policing which did not address the real issues of unemployment, homelessness, and rising racial tensions. The NYPD was given almost limitless power to persecute the large immigrant working-class population under unjust cause to reclaim public space and maintain social control.&#13;
&#13;
Throughout the turbulent Giuliani administration, CAAAV consistently fought to keep the city government accountable for their blatantly racist and discriminatory legislation. Although the Dragon Gate Market was shut down, CAAAV continued to fight alongside protecting the street vendor’s rights to obtain licenses.&#13;
&#13;
[1] Paul Zielbauer, “Vendors in Chinatown Park Protest Eviction,” in The New York Times, February 20, 1999. Accessed online 3/17/2021: https://www.nytimes.com/1999/02/20/nyregion/vendors-in-chinatown-park-protest-eviction.html?auth=login-email&amp;login=email.&#13;
&#13;
[2] Vivian Truong, "From State-Sanctioned Removal to the Right to the City: The Policing of Asian Immigrants in Southern Brooklyn, 1987–1995," in Journal of Asian American Studies 23, no. 1 (2020): 70.&#13;
&#13;
[3] Andrew Hsiao, “Chinatown Take OArrest Giuliani ut,” in The Village Voice, February 16, 1999. Accessed online 3/17/2021: https://www.villagevoice.com/1999/02/16/chinatown-take-out/.</text>
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                <text>Mary Tsaltas-Ottomanelli&#13;
&#13;
This post was completed as coursework for HIST-GA 3901 Community Archives, taught by Maggie Schreiner, in the Archives and Public History MA program at New York University.</text>
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                <text>Copyright is held by CAAAV Organizing Asian Communities.</text>
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                <text>Protest against film &lt;em&gt;Rising Sun&lt;/em&gt; in Times Square (New York City)</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;July 30, 1993: CAAAV summer interns Jonathon Sung Bidol, Ginny Moon, and Julia Wang gather over one-hundred demonstrators outside Times Square’s Criterion Theater to protest Philip Kaufman’s racist film, &lt;em&gt;Rising Sun&lt;/em&gt;, on its opening day. “&lt;em&gt;Rising Sun&lt;/em&gt;! Raising hate!” the crowd chants.&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[1]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; “JAPANESE MEN SLEEPING WITH WHITE WOMEN! GET THE LYNCH MOB,” reads one protestor’s sign.&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[2]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Staged in conjunction with dozens of other demonstrations across the United States, this protest aimed to “educate moviegoers about [&lt;em&gt;Rising Sun&lt;/em&gt;’s] insidious stereotyping and the potential for anti-Asian violence its xenophobic message promotes.”&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[3]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; The film, which follows two detectives as they investigate the murder of an escort at a Japanese company in Los Angeles, characterizes Japanese men as amoral, sexually-deviant foreigners determined to take over American institutions.&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[4]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Such insidious anti-Asian depictions redirect attention from internal causes of American economic problems and project blame onto “conniving” outsiders who look and act differently from white Americans.&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[5]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; CAAAV’s protest against this stereotyping reflects an enduring commitment to fighting systemic and institutional racism, the root cause of anti-Asian violence in the U.S., and the organization’s awareness that hate crimes are often fueled by anti-Asian representations in American culture.&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[6]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Founded in 1986, CAAAV Organizing Asian Communities (formerly the Coalition Against Anti-Asian Violence) was created in response to rising anti-Asian violence across the U.S., particularly following the 1982 murder of Vincent Chin. A large part of CAAAV’s early activism centered on developing “a deeper analysis of the root causes of [anti-Asian] violence,” including the fact that such violence is neither random nor uncommon. Rather, it’s the result of centuries-long anti-Asian racism, which has become codified in the American legal system and in American culture.&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[7]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; This entrenched racism is often expressed in anti-Asian representations; although Asian people have lived in the U.S. for centuries, they remain marginalized and othered, “seen as exotic, barbaric, and the perpetual foreigner,” even if they are naturalized or were born in the U.S.&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[8]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; As the organizers of CAAAV’s anti-&lt;em&gt;Rising Sun &lt;/em&gt;protest recognized, these racist caricatures directly fuel anti-Asian violence.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;In October 1987, for example, flyers portraying Asian business owners and homeowners as homicidal mobsters and conniving religious cult leaders were plastered across Bensonhurst and Gravesend, Brooklyn. This directly resulted in a spate of anti-Asian violence, including street harassment, vandalism of Asian-owned property, and beatings of Asian American youth. As the organization would do upon &lt;em&gt;Rising Sun&lt;/em&gt;’s release, CAAAV explicitly challenged these anti-Asian representations. CAAAV founders Mini Liu and Monona Yin publicly condemned city officials’ refusal to take anti-Asian racism seriously, collecting over one-thousand signatures on a petition that protested the NYPD’s response and collaborating with a multiracial coalition of community leaders to address racial violence in South Brooklyn.&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[9]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Such activism illustrates CAAAV’s critical analysis of the root causes of anti-Asian violence and the strategic actions it takes to address systemic and institutional racism. Today, CAAAV continues to combat anti-Asian representations and hate crimes as the COVID-19 pandemic inflames anti-Asian racism. In advocating for poor and working-class Asian immigrant and refugee communities and protesting against anti-Asian representations, CAAAV supports and empowers some of New York City’s most vulnerable residents and provides them with essential services and resources during a particularly dangerous time for Asians and Asian Americans.&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[10]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Notes&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;span&gt;[1]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; “Rising Sun! Raising Hate!,” &lt;em&gt;The CAAAV Voice &lt;/em&gt;5, no. 2 (1993): 3, accessed March 14, 2021, http://caaav.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/Voice_Fall_1993.pdf.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;span&gt;[2]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; “Rising Sun! Raising Hate!,” 3; “Protest against film Rising Sun in Times Square (New York City),” &lt;em&gt;CAAAV Organizing Asian Communities Digital Archive&lt;/em&gt;, accessed March 16, 2021, http://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/admin/items/show/1091.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;span&gt;[3]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; “Rising Sun! Raising Hate!,” 3.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;span&gt;[4]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; “Rising Sun (1993),” &lt;em&gt;IMDb&lt;/em&gt;, accessed March 14, 2021, http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0107969/; “Rising Sun! Raising Hate!,” 3.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;span&gt;[5]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; “Rising Sun! Raising Hate!,” 3.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;span&gt;[6]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; “History of CAAAV,” &lt;em&gt;CAAAV Organizing Asian Communities&lt;/em&gt;, accessed March 14, 2021, http://caaav.org/about-us/history-of-caaav.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;span&gt;[7]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; “History of CAAAV.”&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;span&gt;[8]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Vivian Wong et al, “Archives (Re)Imagined Elsewhere: Asian American Community-based Archival Organizations,” in &lt;em&gt;Through the Archival Looking Glass: A Reader on Diversity and Inclusion&lt;/em&gt;, ed. Mary A Caldera and Kathryn M. Neal (Chicago: Society of American Archivists, 2014): 114.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;span&gt;[9]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Vivian Truong, "From State-Sanctioned Removal to the Right to the City: The Policing of Asian Immigrants in Southern Brooklyn, 1987–1995," &lt;em&gt;Journal of Asian American Studies &lt;/em&gt;23, no. 1 (2020): 66-68.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="https://maggie.hosting.nyu.edu/caaav/rising-sun-raising-hate#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;span&gt;[10]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; “Our Work,” &lt;em&gt;CAAAV Organizing Asian Communities&lt;/em&gt;, accessed March 14, 2021, http://caaav.org/our-work.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Helen Stec&#13;
&#13;
This post was completed as coursework for HIST-GA 3901 Community Archives, taught by Maggie Schreiner, in the Archives and Public History MA program at New York University.</text>
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